Minorities in Syria search for security as the country charts a new future

While driving to Mezze 86, a working-class neighborhood in western Damascus, we were waved through a checkpoint manned by fighters from Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham.

The buildings are dilapidated and need repairs.

This area is dominated by people from Bashar al-Assad's Alawite sect, a branch of Shiite Islam whose members constitute one of the largest religious minorities in Syria.

Alawites controlled power in the Sunni-majority country throughout the 50 years of Assad family rule, holding senior positions in the government, army and intelligence services.

Now, many in the community fear retaliation after the Assad regime was overthrown by rebels led by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, a Sunni Islamist group that was once affiliated with al-Qaeda in Syria.

Dozens of Alawites we contacted by phone refused to talk to us, and many said they were afraid.

In Mezzeh 86, the presence of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham fighters at the checkpoint does not appear to be a cause for concern.

Many Alawites came and spoke with us, keen to distance themselves from the Assad regime.

He said, “During the era of the Assad regime, the stereotype about Alawites was that they had all the job opportunities and that they were rich. But in reality, most Alawites are poor, and you will find only one out of a thousand rich.” Mohamed Shaheen, 26 years old, pharmacy student.

He added: “Even when Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham went to the Alawite villages near the coast, it found that all the villages were poor. Only the Assad family had accumulated wealth,” referring to the Alawite stronghold in the west of the country.

Hassan Daoud, a shop owner, said: “We were his slaves, drivers, cooks, and cleaners.”

There is also a feeling of betrayal.

“Bashar was a traitor,” Mohammed said. “The way he escaped was cowardly. He should have at least addressed the people and told us what was happening. He left without saying a word, which made the situation chaotic.”

But people from the Alawite sect, and certainly from this neighbourhood, served in Assad's brutal security forces. We asked: Do they fear retaliation?

“Those who were in the army and did bad things fled,” said Thayer Shaheen, a construction worker. “No one knows where they are. They are afraid of revenge.”

“But people who do not have blood on their hands are not afraid and have stayed in their homes.”

There have been reports of a small number of revenge killings in parts of the country, but so far there is no evidence to suggest that they were carried out by Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham.

“So far, we are fine. We are talking with Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and they are respectful. But there are people who are not from Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham but who pretend to be the ones making threats. They want our society to fail and they are doing this.” “They are the ones we fear,” Muhammad said.

After taking control of Damascus, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham and its allies said that those involved in torture and killing of the ousted regime would be held accountable, although it is not yet clear what form justice will take.

HTS also said that the rights and freedoms of religious and ethnic minorities will be protected.

The group has a jihadist past from which it has distanced itself. But it has an Islamic presence, and many wonder what this might mean for Syria's pluralistic society.

Christian lawyer Youssef Sabbagh said, “I am very happy that the Assad regime has fallen. This is like a dream that has come true. No one wants to live under a dictatorship. But there is concern. I have to be realistic.”

“Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham is here now, and it is an Islamic militia. That is how it is. I hope and pray to God that it will be a modern Islamic militia.”

“I speak not only as a Christian, but as many Syrians, Muslims and everyone. We do not want Syria to become another Afghanistan, and we do not want to become a new Libya. We have already suffered a lot.”

Syria's Christian community is one of the oldest in the world, with the country home to some famous holy sites.

When the uprising against Assad began in 2011, Christians were initially wary about taking sides, but community members eventually fought on both sides of the conflict.

Last week, the Archbishop of Homs, Jacques Murad, told the BBC that there had already been three meetings with HTS, and that they had been able to express their opinions and concerns honestly.

So far, the signs seem reassuring to many Christians.

Bars and restaurants serving alcohol are open in the Christian Quarter of Old Damascus and in other parts of the city. Christmas decorations are also present in many places.

In a restaurant in the Old City, we met lawyer Uday al-Khayyat, a Shiite Muslim.

He added: “There is no doubt that there is anticipation and anxiety. The indicators coming from Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham are good, but we have to wait and watch.”

“It is not possible to know the opinions of all Shiites, but there is concern about a scenario similar to what happened in Libya or Iraq. But I think Syria is different. Syrian society has been diverse for a very long time.”

We drove about 110 kilometers (70 miles) southeast of Damascus, through black volcanic hills, to the city of Sweida, home to Syria's largest Druze population.

The Druze sect is another branch of Shiite Islam, but has its own unique identity and beliefs.

Many Druze were loyal to the Assad regime, which they believed would protect minorities.

But opposition has grown steadily during the war, and there have been frequent protests in recent years.

The last one began in the central square of Suwayda in August 2023, and continued until the day the regime fell.

Activist Wajeha Al-Hajjar believes that the protests were not suppressed as brutally as other protests in Syria, because Assad wanted to show the world and his foreign allies that he was protecting minorities.

“They tried to suppress our protest but in a different way – not through weapons or bombing, but by depriving us of passports, civil rights, and access to official documents. It became difficult to leave Suwayda and a kind of siege was imposed.” “She said.

Hundreds still gather in the square every day. When we visited, there was an atmosphere of celebration. Songs were blaring through the speakers, young girls and boys were performing a gymnastics show, and their families were clapping and cheering for them.

“We are celebrating the fall of the regime, but this gathering is also a show of strength. In the event of an extremist regime with extremist laws, we are ready to remain in this arena and demand our rights and demand equality.” Wajiha said.

Suwayda enjoyed semi-independent status under Assad's rule, and the Druze want this to continue.

This is just one example of the diversity and complexity of Syrian society, and the challenges facing the country's new government.

Additional reporting by Aamer Pirzada, Lin Al-Saadi and Sanjay Ganguly