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The writer is a contributing editor to the FT
There are at least three different political currents running through European parties that are classified as “hard right” or “extreme right.” The more they develop – some as conservatives who appeal largely to working-class and lower-middle-class audiences, others as extremists with clear authoritarian tendencies – the less they resemble each other. Nowadays, they are grouped together, very negatively, under these headings in the media and political debate. But because of their sharp differences, they are better called the “New Right.”
These countries share their opposition to the European Union, which is still committed to increasing its powers and thus reducing their powers. They are no longer obligated to leave the union, but insist that their governments will enjoy full sovereignty.
They strongly oppose mass immigration: this remains by far the most attractive policy to a wide audience. Most European countries have adopted stricter rules, some of which – as in Sweden and Finland – have been framed and managed by new right parties either in coalition with or providing parliamentary support to the centre-right.
However, these common situations differ in practice. Since 2022, Giorgia Meloni, the new right-wing politician who is Italy's Prime Minister, has at times worked closely with the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. Meloni also supports Ukraine's self-defense war against Russia and places herself firmly in the pro-NATO camp – as do the Sweden Democrats.
Marine Le Pen, a prominent figure in France's National Rally party, had pro-Russian leanings, and her party accepted a loan from a Russian-controlled bank (which has now been repaid). However, in a speech to the French Assembly in March, she said that President Vladimir Putin had “ignited a war on the EU’s doorstep and sparked a geopolitical crisis that is undoubtedly the most dramatic in the last 20 years…” . . It is the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people that will lead to Russia's defeat. This appears to be a sharp shift in policy. The National Front is now the most popular party in France, and Le Pen, its likely candidate in the 2027 presidential election (although she faces a legal case that could prevent her from running), stands to win for the time being.
Russia is an important player in the rise of the New Right. Many of these parties, which follow the example of Viktor Orban's Hungary, remain closer to Russia than to the US-dominated West. They tend to be based in former communist Central Europe – but arguably the most important is the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), the main German new right party. Similar sympathy for Russia is shown by the smaller Sahra-Wagenknecht coalition, whose leader combines leftist economics with a commitment to reducing the number of immigrants, now and in the future. She argues that the German working class loses out in the competition for homes, medical care and social services.
From this still-changing landscape, the main currents include the new right parties in Italy, France and Sweden, which claim to be fully democratic and part of the Western camp; And a larger, if so far less successful, group, many in Central Europe, which is at least rhetorically more stridently anti-EU, more virulently anti-immigrant and more attached to the values of Christianity, family and tradition.
Among these parties are a number of parties belonging to both trends, which include the Hungarian Fidesz party, the Spanish Vox party, the Portuguese Chiga party, and most importantly the Alternative for Germany party. AfD leader Björn Höcke tends to play around with Nazi themes, shouting at meetings: “Everything for Germany!”, the slogan of the Nazi Stormtroopers banned in Germany (he was fined twice for this). The co-leaders, Tino Shruppala and Alice Weidel, are considered relatively moderate by comparison and seek to unify the party. Shrubala has pleaded with members several times to unite, and “stop thinking in camps” – even though he has been prominent in the pro-Russian camp.
It is reasonable to use the word “far right” or “hard right” to describe Hockey and the many thousands who follow him. Policies developed by some other parties will also be eligible. It is inappropriate to use it with those who recognize the good faith of democracy and are committed to it: the classification prevents understanding the sources and reasons for their anti-establishment positions. It is possible, of course, that they are engaged in a long game of protesting moderation while preparing for tyranny when they are in power. The influence and political position of Donald Trump, who viewed all these parties as comrades-in-arms, will be decisive in this matter – as will their ability to govern. But so far, anti-totalitarian.
